Opinion | Banyuhay Press

Opinions were polarized during the Top 5 Q&A portion of the Miss Universe Philippines 2023 when Baguio’s Krishnah Marie Gravidez answered the question about allowing transwomen to participate in women’s sports events.

Sports reporter Dyan Castillejo asked, "Transwomen athletes are now being allowed to compete in women's sports events in many international competitions. Do you think that this is a step in the right direction? Why or why not?"

Gravidez answered the question, "I am all for equality with all genders, and I believe that we have the right to participate in any sports. However, I believe that there's a biological reason that we should not allow transwomen in [the] women category, because I believe that there is a right time for that and there are right measurements to be done. Thank you."

Applause was heard inside the arena—loud enough to show support but quiet enough to feel the deafening sound of divisive opinions. Netizens were quick to comment on the answer. Gravidez received both criticisms and praises for her answer.

The circulating argument is whether or not the answer is transphobic.

One netizen commented that Gravidez’s answer was transphobic, asserting that the denial of spaces for trans people is transphobia. He also added that in sports, there is no such thing as “fair play” because athletes have physiological advantages over others.

Others rebutted and said that the answer was not an “attack” and definitely not transphobic, adding that her thoughts were arranged carefully and sensitively.

The argument is rooted in the question of balancing inclusivity, fairness, and equality in sports events.

But how to weigh Baguio’s Gravidez’s answer? Is it really controversial? Or did she just state, with normality, her opinion about the topic?

I think even though her answer seems normal considering she mentioned that it is because of "biological reasons," it controversially portrays transphobia undertones.

The “biological reasons” that she mentioned were about the supposed “physical advantages” of transwomen in sports against women. But experts say that there is scant scientific research that elaborates on the athletic performance of transwomen.

The director of the Center for Genetic Medicine Research at Children’s National Hospital in Washington, shared an interesting thought about the issue, “Even if transgender athletes retain some competitive advantages, it does not necessarily mean that the advantages are unfair, because all top athletes possess some edge over their peers.”

Transphobia appears to be concealed by the concern that transwomen have biological advantages over women in sports. Banning transwomen from participating is a sign of refusal to acknowledge that they are women.

According to TransActual UK, a group of British trans people formed in 2017 as a response to increasing press hostility, transphobia, and misinformation, "the core value underlying all transphobia is a rejection of trans identity and a refusal to acknowledge that it could possibly be real or valid."

Gravidez gave finality when she said transwomen should not be allowed to compete against women. She may acknowledge equality for all genders, yet she refused to acknowledge that transwomen are women and are therefore deserving to be treated as such if our society really pushed through inclusivity.

Maybe there really is a lack of information on her part regarding the issue. Or that’s really how she thinks of transwomen. Nevertheless, trans lives are not up for debate.

But it's not just her answer that needs to be called into question; the question from Miss Universe Philippines (MUPh) itself needs to be critiqued. For one, if we really embrace and have accepted transgender people, why pose a question questioning their participation in an event? MUPh should reassess its values on inclusivity and equal opportunity among all genders. Trans people should be made to feel that their inclusion in society is not a debatable or negotiable topic.

— Geronne Abad

The recent disappearance of indigenous people’s rights activists Dexter Capuyan and Gene Roz "Bazoo" De Jesus. The trumped-up charges of rebellion against the #NothernLuzon7, and the eight Baguio students victimized by Dumanon Makitongtong. I could go on about how political persecution is a growing problem in the North. One victim is already too many. This who were recently visited in their homes through the "Dumanon Makitongtong," is just a growing problem these students and activists are experiencing in the fight for what is right which highly endangers their lives.

On May 31, in line with the International Week of the Disappeared commemorated every last week of May, the Kabataan Partylist (KPL) Cordillera called on the local government to pass the Human Rights Defenders Protection Ordinance, which has been approved on a second hearing in Baguio City.

“It is high time that the LGU acknowledge the need for human rights to be at the premium of the city’s concerns. We hold onto Mayor Magalong’s pronouncements that ‘activists are safe in Baguio,’ and we hope we can make Baguio a safe space for all,” said KPL Cordillera in a press statement.

The question is when would this ordinance be passed when all of this red-tagging, harassment, enforced disappearance, and terrorist-labeling of human rights defenders is getting worse and it is now a fight over their lives.

The Problem

Since 2018, activists and human rights organizations in the city, including the Cordillera Youth Center, Tongtongan ti Umili, Youth Act Now Against Tyranny Baguio-Benguet, and Cordillera Human Rights Alliance, have been seeking protection and efforts from the city council for policies and programs that will defend and promote human rights.

A call for this ordinance, which has been frozen for five years, made it to the first reading just early this year by the city council and was approved on the second reading afterward. How many more years should it take to be passed as an ordinance? How many more years should activists live in fear and uncertainty while waiting to fight in safe hands, without their rights being trampled on?

According to the chairperson of the Committee on Laws, Human Rights and Justice, Councilor Peter Fianza, in an article published by the Baguio Midland Courier, Baguio City commits itself to being a safe space for everyone by nurturing vibrant democracy and good governance. If so, how come human rights violations keep piling up in the city?

The fact that it took five years for the ordinance to materialize represents the LGU's incapacity to commit to its people. The demand and calls of various groups and organizations to establish an ordinance to protect these activists are just a representation that the local government is not committed to its own words.

The problem of harassment, red-tagging, enforced disappearance, and more life-threatening actions by armed groups are the reasons why this ordinance should be a priority for the local government. This does not just trample on our rights as individuals but also the basic human rights that were taken from us and should have been ours in the very first place.

Another Problem

This is not just a problem of turning a blind eye to an activist’s freedom of expression, but a problem of safety and the lack of protection of these individuals. A more serious issue in the bigger picture.

How many cases must be reported to the Commission of Human Rights for this ordinance to be effective? How many silenced voices and disappearances must occur for the local government to take action?

Let us not only hope for the North to be a safe space for activism. But, for the entire country as well. Though it does not need reminding, the fact remains that activism is a fundamental right. It does not equate to a baseless endeavor like that of terrorism.

This is a growing problem that continues to worsen if the government keeps on ignoring it and if the citizens themselves do not acknowledge the rights that are being taken away from them.

— Kyla Claire Abawag

First there was Rey Blanco. Then Percy Lapid. Now it is Cresenciano Bunduquin. One year into this administration, three broadcasters have been reported killed. This culture of impunity amplified by the past administration has drawn fear among media men merely doing what they are supposed to. Yet, time and again, from the way these three dared and the way the press holds its ground, we have seen that no leader, state or power can ever shut the media down.

Blanco, Lapid, and Bunduquin were all radio commentators critical of their stances.

All while a crackdown on human rights defenders and journalists haunts the state, the Presidential Communications Office (PCO) launched a free newspaper to inform the public of the President’s projects. An adherence to Executive Order No. 16, the PCO’s project is said to “engage and involve the citizenry in public discourse”. I never knew public discourse ever meant propaganda.

To inform is not the media’s sole purpose. What the public sees and reads is our responsibility because the people’s collective consciousness lies in how we make them see reality. It is in every news angle, every word choice, and every news package. When you have a newspaper that only prints state projects, policies, and programs but never reports the disappearances of activists, oppression of indigenous peoples, and killings, you do not have a functioning paper, you have a mouthpiece.

True media exposes truth no matter how uncomfortable—because the people need to know. Unfortunately, to have an informed citizenry is not what the state is after. An informed people will resist when faced with injustice after all. So, how do you keep a revolution at bay? Feed them good news. Make sure they only know so much.

This is how the state controls the media, albeit against their will. One, you produce selective content highlighting the government’s ‘achievements’. Two, you compile all defiant media outfits in one list, labeled as terrorists. Three, you weaponize the law. The law, as we know it, is the law only to the common tao.

Other than the what’s, the people also deserve to know the why’s and how’s behind a story. When stories about infrastructure projects parade the news, will The Gazette say if there were families displaced for ‘development’? As it headlines NTF-ELCAC-caught activists, will they discuss underlying issues on why some decide to take up arms? These are questions any critical media knows about.

A muted world–where the only voice will be that of the powerful–is what we would be if all media succumbed to state repression, whose only purpose is to tame all outfits and produce a clawless press. If the father was able to stage a one-man press in the ’70s, today’s ruthless media will not let the son repeat that damning history.

— Rachel Ivy Reyes

STORIES OF THE MOUNTAIN. Ampi Mangili of the Cordillera People’s Alliance (CPA) and Apit Tako Organization, the alliance of peasant organizations in the Cordillera, speaks in front of different youth sectors and organizations about the struggles of small-scale miners in Itogon, Benguet on April 22.

Establishing cooperatives has always been the minimum requirement in regulating small-scale workers. In Itogon, Benguet, small-scale mining — the only livelihood suitable for the Itogon land — remains illegal yet large-scale mining proliferates. This, despite its disastrous risks and consequences.

The People’s Small-scale Mining Act or Republic Act No. 7076 defines it as mining activities that do not require heavy mining equipment or explosives. It relies on the extraction of gold through manual labor. In the Philippines, over 300,000 to 500,000 small-scale miners are hired in over 30 provinces, including Itogon, Benguet as reported by planetGold in 2020. planetGold is an international program that lobbies for a better working environment for small-scale miners. Despite this huge number, small-scale miners remain informal across the country.

In Benguet, the untold struggle of small-scale miners trying to make a living is a reminder that autonomy should be granted to them.

Unlike large-scale mining operations, the people of Itogon do not see gold mining as something they could monopolize, but rather, as a means to survive. According to a resident of Sitio Gold Creak, when some of the members lost their job in the city when the pandemic hit, it was small-scale mining that saved them. They never take more than what they need, because they value the mountains that give them life.

What used to be a tradition only shared by a small community is now being regulated by both the national and local government.

Small-scale mining was an occupation shared by Sitio Gold Creak amongst themselves—developed and passed down by their ancestors. They have designated lands for mining. They were not allowed to dig up holes just anywhere. For decades, greed has never been a problem because self -regulation is a practice their people swear by. If there was any excess from their shift, they would share it with those that needed the extra gold dust.

The spirit of sharing was kept alive even after so many years.

Ampi Mangili of the Cordillera People’s Alliance (CPA), and Apit Tako Organization, the alliance of peasant organizations in the Cordillera, makes a stark comparison between large-scale mining and small-scale mining.

“Ang pagmimina pag dinescribe natin ay environmentally destructive kasi ina-alter mo ang lupa, pero ang small-scale mining, yung epekto niya hindi kasing lala ng large-scale [mining]. Hindi sila gumagamit ng chemicals. Hindi naman sila gumagamit ng ibang equipments [sic],” Mangili emphasized.

Most importantly, their tradition was never meant to milk the land. He reiterated that small-scale mining has been a tradition long before gold was seen as something to be commercialized and exported.

Unfortunately, counterproductive regulation and formalization are killing not only Sitio Gold Creak in Itogon, but also the environment they currently live in.

Small-scale mining has been overshadowed by large-scale mining operations and big corporations, as they are the ones being formally recognized by the government despite the damage they do both to the environment and the health of small-scale miners.

This permitted entry of large-scale miners and big corporations has led to the demise of the environment with their use of explosives and chemicals like cyanide, resulting in dried-out rivers and a spoiled land that lost all its potential for other uses such as farming and vegetation.

“At ang masaklap sa Itogon kasi, ‘di kami pwede magshift sa agriculture kasi wala ngang pataba yung lupa kasi acidic nga eh, walang pataba sa lupa,” Mangili stated, “Ganon nasira. small-scale mining ang pinaka hanap buhay dito sa Itogon.”

The once peaceful mountains of Itogon now house bulldozed mountainsides and open pit minings. On the other hand, small-scale miners, who have been around since the 1900, are being painted as culprits as they receive the blame for “destroying” the environment despite their small and controlled actions.

Empty promises of development lured the community, and now they suffer the consequences of actions that were not theirs to begin with. If there is a demand for accountability in the destruction of the environment, it should come from the “formalized” large-scale miners, the ones granted with permission to use explosives and chemicals.

Even though the state has tried taking actions to accommodate small-scale mining as they did with large-scale mining by creating R.A. 7076, it simply does not hold the community’s best interest at heart. Small-scale miners get to register and be certified by their respective LGUs, but at the cost of surrendering a portion of their earnings to the cooperatives they are forced to be a part of.

Meanwhile, those who actually pursue licensing face a tedious and bureaucratic process. Out of the 13 petitions from Itogon that were submitted in 2019, only one got the green light and the rest are still under review.

While small-scale miners want to be formalized and legalized, cooperatives are not the way to do it. Miners are vulnerable to abuse, especially when cooperatives can just wing power and take hard-earned pays for the sake of regulation.

Small-scale miners call for autonomy — over their land, gold, survival. Their actions could never result in what large-scale mining companies and big corporations do, as proven by their history and their current standing.

Mining to survive can never be on the same level of destruction. If we are to point fingers on who digs for self-serving interests, one needs to look up at the powerful because they always want more.

— Joellene Landingin

REACHING FOR KNOWLEDGE. A student volunteer of Ugnayan ng Pahinungód, Angel Dagoy, extends her hand as she reaches for a journal for research.

No child left behind, we say. Yet five hours away from Baguio City sits Barangay Dalligan in Kiangan, Ifugao, a municipality whose education is so neglected that they have to beg for books and basic educational resources that should be a given already.

Ifugao extremely values cultural heritage and written and oral literature like hudhud, epics, and poems, but how will the Ifugao text live on when they do not have access to learning resources that can aid them in enriching their perspectives? How ironic it is that a place rich in literature can possibly stop learning its own due to scarce resources.

In the Philippines, the likes of Barangay Dalligan exemplifies the poorly prioritized sector of education.

"Pasensiya ta sagpaminsanak lang agkasignal. Awan signal ijay school mi. Nu rumwar kami lang nu weekends dituy centro (I'm sorry, the signal reception here is often weak. There's no signal in our school. We only go to the town proper every weekend.)," a teacher from Dalligan said when I contacted her for book donations. Came the pandemic, Dalligan is not reached by the government's plan for assisting communities in distance learning.

A former visiting professor at the University of the Philippines Baguio and a researcher in Barangay Dalligan, Professor Aurelio Agcaoili currently oversees the community library for elementary students in the municipality. Agcaoili told how underdeveloped and destitute Dalligan is of educational resources which is why he has been asking organizations for help in gathering books to help the remotest and poorest barrio of Kiangan.

The barangay has 291 residents, the 2020 Census reported. In the latest 2015 tally, about 4 in 10 residents belonged to the age bracket of 0-14-year-olds while the highest age group ranges from 5-9 years old, with 39 individuals. This means that the majority of the population goes to primary school, the first stage of formal education, crucial in a child's foundation of learning.

“To go to Dalligan is not for the faint-hearted, and poverty and wretchedness define the community,” Agcaoili said.

The government is also not prioritizing remote areas in the Philippines in any of its assistance programs. The Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) received a meager 1.96% budget from the Department of Education(DepEd) in 2021 during the height of the pandemic. The DepEd reasoned that the allocation was aligned with the regions’ needs and priorities. With severely underdeveloped areas like Dalligan, does CAR have lesser priorities than other regions?

Institutions in Manila have far better resources compared to the schools in barrios you would not hear about unless they are in calamity. The 2021 DepEd Budget report also revealed that there were 46 repaired classrooms in the National Capital Region, while only 20 classrooms were repaired in the whole CAR. The department also targeted procuring 377,822 learning materials for NCR but only 64,877 for CAR.

Furthermore, data from the Bureau of Treasury revealed that P2.4 trillion was loaned to several institutions in response to the pandemic crisis. From this number, distance learning assistance includes providing computers to schools, modules, and financial assistance for data or wifi connection. Seeing as how Dalligan suffers even after the pandemic emergency was lifted, did the P2.4 trillion reach remote areas? In this Manila-centric country, perhaps this is a timely reminder for the government to look far beyond the city and put its #NoChildBehind policy into actuality.

The literacy rate in the Philippines declined, the World Literacy Foundation reported in 2023. The reason? Low reading comprehension. But make no mistake, this crisis is no blame students have to take. The lack of provided educational resources such as books is the root of this problem.

The lack of infrastructure catering to the influx of enrollees is another factor contributing to this crisis. Vice President and Education Secretary Sara Duterte's 2023 Basic Education Report accounted for 28 million enrollees. However, there are only 327, 851 school buildings nationwide. Of this number, only 104, 536 are in good condition--safe in case of calamities. The report also revealed the scarcity of tools like chairs that affects the learning process of students.

Based on the Learner Information System (LIS) for S.Y. 2022-2023, there are more than 19 million students enrolled in public schools while data from the Education Management Information System Division reveals that there are only approximately 900,000 teachers in public schools. Not only do there is a lack of the tangibles, the manpower to serve quality education is insufficient.

A fundamental right that is due to every Filipino, this education crisis will not be resolved unless it is put on the same pedestal as other government priorities. There are thousands of communities in the country that experience the same situation as Dalligan.

Lacking the resources to develop reading and writing as early as grade school sets the tone for these children’s future. Not everyone has the privilege to leave home to pursue quality education elsewhere, which is why the government must set its priorities straight and provide small communities with their rightful access to it. In a government that truly champions the best interest of the people, education is not something sought but outright provided.

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To those who want to help the developing library in Dalligan, you can directly ship the books to the Dalligan Elementary School, addressed to Dr. Soraya Faculo, Superintendent, Ifugao Division of Schools, Lagawe, Ifugao.

- Ariza Anjeli Diola